Indigenous people inhabit lands that protect most of the world’s remaining biodiversity and over 70% of primate habitats [8]. The importance of their traditions and knowledge systems is recognized as key to sustainable land management and the conservation of the world’s remaining biodiversity [8, 22,23,24, 26]. However, outside pressures, integration into market economies and population growth, are raising doubts regarding the sustainability of traditional practices and their role in conservation [55]. Indigenous people and their territories play an essential role in primate conservation through ecosystem preservation [8, 26]. In this paper, we documented the important role primates hold in Shipibo culture and subsistence through qualitative data gathered via free listing, semi-structured interviews and participant observation. We discuss our findings, limitations, and implications in further detail under the topics covered and end with a positionality statement and conclusions.

Free listing interviews allowed us to see which animals are present and absent from the local environment based on local knowledge, without relying on biological survey data. White-lipped peccary, spider monkey, woolly monkey, and bald uakari were perceived as the most depleted species and were reported as being previously abundant and even observed within the community settlement 10–20 years ago, but rarely seen today. Based on community member reports and our own observations, spider and woolly monkeys are likely locally extinct as seen around other indigenous communities [34, 56]. Participants under 30 years of age did not mention spider or woolly monkeys in the depletion question. This may suggest that these species have not been seen in the area for an extended period, however there are no prior studies conducted in the communities of the upper Ucayali for comparison.

One aim of our study was to describe and highlight local indigenous views and explanations for animal scarcity, recognizing their knowledge and understanding of their own territory. Most participants reported more than one reason, and the results indicate that Shipibo community members in this study mainly believed it is a combination of noise disturbance, hunting practices and population growth that has led to depletion. Noise was the most common theme and often linked to extracting companies and machinery. Noise and overall human presence can affect primate behaviour, even more than spatial disturbances [57]. However, further investigations are needed to determine in more detail what types of human presence and noise in particular could cause significant shifts in habitat ranges to a point of abandonment, as reported by participants, and which species are affected. The views on hunted animal and fish depletion among Shipibo were reflected in the myth stories documented by Cabrera [58] in the 1980s. One myth about the creation of hunting tools ends on a pessimistic note that ‘merciless’ mestizo hunters are exterminating the river turtles and leaving deserted beaches along the Ucayali River ([58], pp. 78–81). While comments about population growth in the present study also referred to mestizos and non-indigenous people, only two participants related the animal scarcity to mestizos. Logging companies, which were often mentioned by the participants as a source of noise and cause of depletion, come with the presence of non-indigenous people in the forest and their presence should be explored in future studies. The Shipibo historically were dispersed along the Ucayali region but with a growing population and number of communities, have become increasingly sedentary [46]. Further to the community’s mentions of population growth and animal scarcity, a notion about past migratory practices among the Shipibo was also made. One of the village elders said that historically the Shipibo migrated from place to place, made temporary homes where fish and animals were abundant and, when they noticed scarcity, they left looking for another site to live. Increasing sedentarism and reliance on agriculture by indigenous people in tropical forests, affects hunting sustainability and leads to local depletion as seen in contemporary Shipibo and other Amazonian groups [59, 60]. Throughout the interviews, community members expressed concern about the depletion of wildlife. Some participants discussed empty rivers and that they rarely catch fish with a rod but must use nets, or that some local children never had a chance to eat paiche (Arapaima gigas), the largest fish in the Amazon, that is now gone from the rivers and that favoured primate species are not consumed as much anymore as they are harder to find and that simply ‘there aren’t any/ya no hay’. Participants demonstrated interest and desire in Aquaculture, as a potential solution to depleting food resources. Sustainable aquaculture was also prioritized by the PNC general assembly as seen and recommended in other parts of the Peruvian Amazon and could help reduce pressure on local fish and hunted species and produce additional income for local people [61, 62].

The impact of shotgun hunting on species depletion, especially primates, goes beyond the impacts of population growth and settlement spread [61]. The transition from traditional hunting methods was previously documented among Shipibo communities in Ucayali, with Morin [46] noting the shift from blowguns to bows and arrows more than a decade ago, and Behrens [47] the shift to shotguns over 40 years ago, changes which were also linked to changing food patterns. While bow and arrow and gun hunting differ in their efficiency across species and animal sizes, the use of shotguns has allowed more successful hunting of larger species, such as tapir, among Shipibo [47]. Changes in hunting technology along with the loosening of cultural taboos can lead to a broader diet. Taboos appear flexible and reflect changes between generations and communities; however, the role of taboos in conservation and their impact on wildlife may be difficult to evaluate without historical data on practices over time [63].

The frequency of wild meat consumption varied between families and based on our observations, may depend on household, socio-economic status, preference and season, but could not be successfully calculated in our study. Some families without a hunter in their household purchased wild meat from people who work in logging concessions or illegal coca plantations further upriver where animals were said to be more abundant. Purchasing of wild meat was observed during our study and reported by various community members, providing evidence of illegal commercial hunting happening in the area. As commercial hunting has increased in the Amazon [38, 40], understanding its patterns and drivers in the area may help direct where conservation efforts should focus. Further investigation using predictive models of primate depletion to assess the sustainability of subsistence hunting among Shipibo communities could help measure its impact on primate populations and other hunted species [39, 56]. To understand and prevent further depletion, a similar approach that values indigenous knowledge and experience of their own environment and culture would be enlightening. Such approaches can guide conservation through community-based participatory research that empowers and involves local stakeholders in a meaningful and equitable process, actions and active decision making based on culture and needs [64]. This inclusive approach, where the opinions and ideas of indigenous people are ‘heard’, is also crucial for their engagement with conservation efforts [19, 65].

Although the Shipibo diet consists mostly of fish, rice, and crops such as plantain, manioc, maize, corn, and beans, hunting still plays a significant role. The most preferred animals for consumption were pacas, deer, primates, and peccaries, as also shown in previous studies of Shipibo diets and hunting preferences [46, 66]. However, specific primate species were not mentioned as preferred foods in previous studies among Shipibo. Primates were the most preferred order reported in our study, with woolly monkeys and brown capuchins the third and fourth most preferred species. Woolly monkeys and brown capuchins have been reported as the preferred species by other indigenous groups in the Amazon, such as the Tikuna [10], Secoya [43], and the Kayapo [67]. Overall, among indigenous Amazonians, primates are preferred targets, especially atelines due to their size and tasteful meat [68]. Primates in general were also reported by community members to be consumed rarely because they are harder to find. As noted by Peres [34], indigenous Amazonians consistently prefer larger mammals and bird species, a finding mirrored in our study. However, we found that lowland paca was the most preferred species for consumption, even though it is not one of the largest species and has not been mentioned as a primary species in previous reports on Shipibo hunting preferences and diets [46, 47, 66]. As multiple factors affect the mentioning of items in free lists, such as memory, familiarity, and prominence [50, 69], the indicated preference for lowland paca could have been a result of its availability rather than consumption preference. Some of the most frequently mentioned species that our participants stated they avoid, such as sloth, jaguar, and snakes, were also classified as animals avoided for consumption by the Shipibo in a previous study [47]. After listing the avoided species, participants often added that their ancestors and grandparents never used to eat these animals, that the Shipibo are not eating them or simply avoided due to bad taste. Behrns [47] documented Shipibo food categories where avoided foods were classified under ‘Rambi jahuëki’ referring to anything in the environment that is ‘ugly’, ‘not useful’ or ‘can hurt you’, while in our study no such category or any food category was named or mentioned. Other avoided species in Behrens’ study included eels, capybara, and kinkajous which only one or two participants stated were avoided in our study. This suggests, as Behrens [47] stated, that diets become more inclusive as the Shipibo accept previously prohibited or avoided species into their diet.

The preferred primate species were the most targeted and likely driven to local extinction, except for the brown capuchin (Anca, unpublished data). While spider and woolly monkeys were said to be the most delicious, almost 50% of participants named them as depleted species. With the disappearance of large-bodied primates around PNC, the availability of primate species for consumption may have influenced the free listings for preference, as answers could have been biased by memory and availability [69]. Depletion may also influence reports from younger participants who grew up without the presence of larger species, who did not consume them as much as older participants, to be established as a preferred or commonly consumed species on either a cultural or individual preference level. The small sample size (N = 43) and strict Shipibo origin of all participants may not be representative of the entire community and its mestizo immigrants. A more inclusive sample may identify changing dietary patterns and the impact of the community as a whole on local wildlife.

During the study, white-tailed titi monkeys, Weddell’s and moustached tamarins, were often observed around the PNC community. These species were not mentioned at all as a preferred food, but the consumption of white-tailed titi monkeys and other smaller species, such as night monkeys and black-capped squirrel monkeys, was observed. Overall, these smaller-bodied species are consumed but were not regularly consumed in the past, when larger species were available. As ‘in the past’ is a broad concept term we used in order to pick up on a shift in consumption, it is not possible to trace back to when the shift in consumption started. Shipibo informants emphasized that hunting smaller primate species usually is not worth the effort as it cannot feed a family, but today they hunt what they can find. These findings are in line with other findings on increasing consumption of smaller bodied, less preferred species, which were ignored by hunters when larger species were available [34, 36,37,38,39]. Participants that claimed they did consume smaller species in the past emphasized the times of the year in which fruits are available and animals are fatter and, therefore, have more meat. In this case, seasonal consumption may help these primate populations to recover, while larger species are targeted year-round. Regardless of seasonal hunting, smaller species are often seen at higher densities near indigenous communities [35, 36] and may be less prone to hunting pressure than larger-bodied species, but understanding trends in their populations and the impact of humans on their habitats and life cycles will help prevent further local extinctions of primates from hunted areas.

Our study is the first to provide an overview on the uses of primates among the Shipibo and their portrayal in mythology. Through this ethnoprimatological approach, we highlight the role of primates in Shipibo culture and folklore as well as the interconnections between mythology and traditional beliefs to contemporary views on primates.

The uses of primates and their derivatives for subsistence, as pets and in jewellery, are often seen in Amazonian groups [29, 30]. Primates are preferred pets among Shipibo and seen as an important adornment or companion, especially for women and children. The mentions of primate pet keeping being illegal do not seem to bother pet owners, as it is not enforced very often in remote communities such as PNC. The use of primate derivatives is fading and rarely practised in PNC; however, traces of these customs exist through reports and first-hand observations. Medicinal uses, such as the preparation of primate tails by boiling as reported to EA in PNC, was also documented in the Maijuna for treating digestive problems [12]. Other Amazonian groups have used the tails of primates as dusters [11, 12]. The tails of primate species are also used as adornment for the head or arms among the Yanomami and the Awajun/Aguaruna [32, 70]. While jewellery or wristbands made of primate teeth were not observed during our study, this use was reported by multiple community members and was also documented in the 60s by Morin [46]. Restrictions on primate consumption documented 40 years ago were practised after birth, by both parents, and specifically included avoidance of white capuchins [47]. The only taboo on the consumption of primates reported in our study was by pregnant women but did not mention a specific species. Similar taboos regarding primates applied to fathers of newborns and pregnant women have been documented among the Kayapo, Yanomami, Siriono, and Tapirape [63]. Although Behrens [47] notes that monkeys with young were traditionally prohibited among Shipibo, they were regularly hunted and consumed during his study. It seems that traditional beliefs and practices, such as the restrictions on hunting primates with young or on consumption by pregnant women and their husbands, could help reduce increasing pressure on primate species but are rarely practised in present-day Shipibo culture.

Numerous Amazonian groups share the belief that primates originated from humans who were transformed by a powerful creator [9, 12, 18, 71]. These transformations are often a result of punishment for certain behaviours which are seen as bad by the creator. These repeating concepts of punishment in creation stories may reflect cultural values. For example, the drinking of Masato is a part of Shipibo identity and a custom that persists until this day; however, some were said to be ‘punished’ by the bad Inca for doing so and transformed into primates. Although the transformation into a primate is considered a punishment, there is no evidence that primates are seen negatively. Rather, the specific characteristics or actions that led to their transformations, such as eating fruits on trees, having white or black faces, or being lazy are explanations of the origins of animals and their characteristics in such a biodiverse environment.

The ‘looking like primates’ concept is mentioned in various sources and literature about Shipibo mythology. In Cabrera [58], one myth details the first settlement of the Shipibo which was guided by the sun Bari and the Alto Mueraya who showed them where to settle before disappearing into the forest. The Alto Mueraya, the great shaman, has the power to travel through the world of water, fire, and wind, the abode of the sacred ancestors for guidance to cure people from illness and bad spirits. The settlement fell victim to the bad spirits of the forest that caused illness, sadness, and death. In those times of despair, the Alto Mueraya incarnated in the body of a tamarin, Shipi, and told the people that his travels in the spirit world revealed that the bad spirits had taken over all natural beings except the tamarins, which remained free. Therefore, if the tribe transformed to look like tamarins, they would be saved. The men then painted their bodies and learned to whistle like the tamarins and the women cut their hair in the shape of tamarin heads. According to this myth, the effort to look like tamarins brought the Shipibo their name ([58], pp. 14–19). In one of the earlier ethnographic studies, the past habit of painting faces black with ‘huito’ paint made them look like the monkey they call shipi, tamarin [46]. However, in our study the white spume caused by Masato drinking and the similarity to moustached tamarins was mentioned more often. Myths are never exact reprints, they are ‘alive’ and tend to renew and transform based on time and place, the teller, and audience, while keeping their core meaning [72]. While some details in the Shipibo myths may have changed over time and vary between local populations and samples, the main concepts of the myths remain the same, predominantly the continuity between humans and primates.

Cabrera [58] also wrote about the birth of primates and the transformation of humans into primates. In one myth, that also occurred in the time of the bad Inca, who was the governor and lord of fire and domestic plants and never wanted to share his food. The story details how the children could not bear their hunger and climbed the Inca’s fruit trees. When they were caught, the Inca transformed them into various monkey species: white-tailed titi monkeys, howler monkeys, white capuchins, brown capuchins, woolly monkeys and squirrel monkeys. This myth continues, relating the vengeance of the children’s parents, which resulted in the birth of birds ([58], pp. 117–122). Similarly, in a myth documented by Bertrand-Rousseau [73], the children caught in the tree were transformed into brown capuchins and squirrel monkeys, which were said to treat each other as cousins and live together in a group, and the rest of the children were transformed into the ‘solitary’ white capuchins [73]. Mixed groups of brown capuchins and squirrel monkeys were reported by informants in our study. Community members reported white capuchins as predatory, saying their presence would scare off other primates. In addition, the similarity of primates to humans, which was often acknowledged by community members, is easy to understand when the community believes that human children that were more similar in size to primates were once transformed into them.

According to mythology documented by Morin [46], the Shipibo learned about sexuality, birth, and the use of flutes from the white capuchin. One myth from the literature links white capuchins with sexuality and the birth of jealousy. This myth is called ‘The White Monkey Who Showed us Jealousy’ in Landlot [74] and refers to the past in which Shipibo men shared wives and lived without jealousy and how it all changed when the white capuchin thought the Shipibo about betrayal, jealousy and to react violently to it. It is also mentioned that white capuchins are the most mischievous primate, playing with their private parts and lifting women’s skirts. White capuchins were often referred to as the most mischievous primate in PNC, however, the myth we documented about the monkey teaching the Shipibo to have sex did not specifically mention white capuchins. While the white capuchin’s mischievousness may be linked to sexuality among Shipibo, over time details are lost through myth retelling and tranformation, making it harder to decipher the origin of Shipibo beliefs.

Myths are a ‘body of explanation’ on human existence, the origin of a group and the dependency on the natural world, which are all essential to understanding cultural identity [72, 75]. Myths are often ‘solving’ and interpreting life paradoxes experienced by a group, which justifies traditional beliefs and creates guiding rules for a society [53, 72]. One of those paradoxes could be the physical similarity between humans and primates, related in Shipibo myths by the human origin of primates. The transformation as an element of punishment may provide a cautionary component to these myths, for behaviours and activities humans should not engage in, such as stealing food, climbing trees to eat fruits, drinking Masato, etc.

The belief in the existence of a large monkey that is closely related to spider monkeys and lives in the mountain foothills was reported in this study and is also held by the Matsigenka [18]. For the Matsigenka, this creature was perceived more as a dangerous demon that can kill humans, while the Mashi Iso of the Shipibo took humans and never harmed them but rather treated them as husbands or wives. Another similarity with Matsigenka folklore on primates is the joint appearance of spider and howler monkeys. In this story too, their relationship was characterized by deceit and revenge that resulted in the howler monkey’s howl [18]. In both stories, of the Shipibo and the Matsigenka, the primates are anthropomorphized, and explanation is given to the howler monkeys’ song. These similar stories could be explained by the geographic proximity between groups in Eastern Perú or in the ‘big monkey’ case, the mere existence of such a larger primate.

The changes in traditional practices go beyond hunting methods to other customs and materials used in PNC. Apart from reports of medicinal use of monkey tail being practised very rarely, various examples of other cultural changes were also observed. Traditional Shipibo houses are made entirely of natural materials, wood and palm leaves, for the roof, which are slowly being replaced by corrugated metal sheeting. The Shipibo clay ceramics, used traditionally for drinking Masato and other foods and drinks, were rarely seen or used during the study period, and are widely replaced by plastic dishes. Fabrics for the making of traditional Shipibo textiles and clothing are often bought from the city instead of woven from home grown cotton. One informant said, ‘We used to sweat and work hard for our clothing, houses, and ceramics, but today everything is easy and cheap, much faster to buy than to make’. During our study, community members voiced concerns about the loss of cultural identity among young Shipibo and their lack of interest in traditional customs, as also observed by Esponiza [76]. Some community members mentioned that their children want to look and dress like mestizos. In regard to hunting, none of the informants owned traditional bows and arrows, but only shotguns. Traditional harpoons for caiman hunting were still present in the PNC community. Fishing is most commonly done using nets due to the depletion of fish in the river and the difficulty of rod fishing. The introduction, and extensive use, of plastics and metal roofing is leading to pollution in the river, settlements, and inside the forest itself and around the PNC community, as observed first-hand during the study period. The changes in cultural identity, traditions, and customs affect not only the wellbeing and empowerment of the people, but has implications for the health of their ecosystem.

Although our sample size was not large enough to reach saturation in semi-structured interviews [77] on primates and their cultural significance, we were referred to a small number of informants who still had this knowledge. The few remaining elders are still familiar with myths and cultural beliefs or able to share knowledge on primates. As younger generations are said to ‘not want to be a Shipibo anymore’, increasingly engaging with ‘Western’ culture and less with traditional knowledge, storytelling practices as transmitted from one generation to the next are being lost. Elders noted that as young people become more like mestizos, they do not want to eat primates because of their similarity to humans, which could help conserve primate populations. At the same time, the cultural importance of primates decreases with the loss of cultural identity and depletion of local primate species, and community members may be less inclined to preserve primates. Globalization often demands the formation of a multicultural identity as opposed to a single cultural tradition; Jensen [78] notes the ‘gains and losses’ accompany this process, as some aspects of traditional cultures are ‘left behind’ to allow better adaptation to current multicultural realities [78]. Recent ethnography by Dyck [