The traditional food system of the four ethnic and religious groups in Kurram is based on seasonal wild food plants, consisting of three main groups of foraged items: wild vegetables and mushrooms, wild seasoning plants, and wild fruits. While most wild plants and mushrooms are consumed fresh, while only a few species are used during the off-season, i.e., winter, in dried form.

The ethnobotanical data on wild edible plants and mushrooms, their used parts, and their methods of use are presented in Table 2. A total of 57 wild edible plants from 50 genera and 34 families were recorded. The specimens were collected, preserved, and identified by one of the authors (W.H.) and then deposited in the herbarium of the Department of Botany, GPGC Parachinar, Kurram. The most dominant plant families are Rosaceae (five species), followed by Polygonaceae (four species), Moraceae, Fabaceae, Brassicaceae, Lamiaceae, and Plantaginaceae (three species each). Among the documented plants, 41 were mentioned by Turis, 35 by Khushis, 37 by Hazaras, and 11 by Christians (Fig. 4).

Alluvial diagram illustrating the distribution of plant uses among the studied groups

In Kurram, the main source of income and food is agriculture. The majority of the population of Kurram depends on cultivation for their livelihood. The major crops include wheat, rice, potato, tomato, and maize. However, wild edible plants also play a key role in the daily life of the people in the Kurram Valley. In Kurram, the Turi tribe has a large population compared to the other ethnic and religious groups because they have lived there since pre-historic times, and they have used wild edible plants for a long time; they also use wild plants for commercial purposes and to make a profit as they sell some of these wild botanicals, such as M. spicata and C. tuberculata, in the market. The most common wild greens consumed by Turis are P. major, A. griffithianum, A. viridis, A. officinale, and B. amplexicaulis, whereas Khushis mainly consume C. reflexum and C. microphyllus, Hazaras E. himalaicus, Lipidium verginicum, and L. officinale, and Christians M. spicata and P. oleracea [33].

Wild edible fruits play a role in the daily life of the four ethnic and religious groups in Kurram. Of the 57 recorded wild edible plants, 16 were fruits. The wild edible fruits most commonly reported by Turis include F. carica, C. australis, D. lotus, F. nubicola, and S. mascatense (Fig. 3).

Khushis mainly use E. angustifolia, M. alba (dried), and P. gerardiana (Chilghoza), while Hazaras top used wild fruits are those of P. gerardiana and F. carica (dried) and Christians use M. alba, D. lotus, F. carica, and M. nigra. Overall, P. jacquemontii is the most common wild edible fruit of Kurram District.

In terms of foraging, and not only using/consuming, the degree of plant collection among the four ethnic and religious groups varies remarkably, depending on such factors as area of residence, occupation, and regular exposure to the natural environment. Turis live in the foothills of Kurram District and also travel to mountain peaks in search of wild edible plants such as P. emodi, which is only found at high elevations. Turis represent the primary group that collects wild edible plants and mushrooms, some of which they sell in the market. Khushis showed less affinity toward plant collection, as they mainly buy wild edible plants in the market. Among Hazaras, only two informants were found to be very knowledgeable about wild edible plants. One of them owns a shop in the market, while the other one occasionally collects wild edible plants. Christians have no knowledge about foraging, mainly because live in the city and have government jobs in Kurram District; they are not connected to the natural environment and therefore reported very few taxa; however, some of their priests seem to have a little knowledge about foraged plants [14].

During the interviews, the informants were asked qualitative information about the collection and utilization of wild edible plants. The respondents explained that men of the Turi tribe do not much care for collecting wild edible plants. They buy wild edible plants in the market, but also collect some edible plants from the mountains at high elevations. The women of the Turi tribe play a prominent role in foraging wild plants, as they are easily accessible on farms, along riverbanks, and in the foothills of mountains. Conversely, women of the Hazara tribe usually do not collect wild edible plants because they are urban inhabitants concerned with domestic affairs; thus, they do not visit wild hillsides. However, despite the fact that most Khushis and Hazaras live in the main city, wild edible plants are collected by Hazara men as they sometimes visit mountainous areas. Christians in the Kurram Valley do not collect wild edible plants, as they are more concerned with their occupations, but rather mostly buy them in markets.

One of the most prominent wild vegetable dishes of the Kurram Valley is known as Zamda (Fig. 5), cooked by Turi women, which is made from R. dentatus (also called Zamda and therefore culturally salient) and peppers (Capsicum annum). To prepare this dish, R. dentatus is boiled in water with peppers for up to half an hour; then, the mixture is fried in oil for up to fifteen minutes [24]. Another popular dish in the Kurram Valley made from wild edible vegetables is known as Saba, especially popular among Kushis and Hazaras, which is prepared by mixing A. viridis, A. griffithianum, and garlic (Allium sativum). First, these plants are boiled in water for up to half an hour; then, the mixture is fried in oil with red chilies for up to ten minutes, after which it is ready to eat. Other dishes made by the inhabitants of Kurram District are prepared by combining various wild edible plants; for example, P. oleracea, R. dentatus, and S. muricatus can be made in the same way, but they have a different taste; people also add a fried egg to enhance the flavor of these dishes.

The most common wild food culinary preparations: Zamda (prepared with Rumex dentatus) (left) and Saba (prepared with Plantago lanceolata) (right)

Some other important dishes recorded from the study area include Marchobaye (starter), which is made from a mixture of P. jacquemontii, M. spicata, coriander (Coriandrum sativum), chilies, salt, and water, and Perakaye, which is a mixture of Trifolium repens, eggs, vegetable oil, and wheat flour.

These dishes are prepared all across the valley, especially during the celebration of “Nurooz”, which takes place every year on the 21st of March. “Nurooz” is a Persian word which means “new day” because on this day the grasslands are green and lush and thus available for grazing. The above-mentioned traditional dishes were recorded among families living in the mountainous regions of Kurram, while the consumption of wild plants was considerable for those families living in the most isolated locations of the valleys [35].

Another locally famous preparation is a jam made from P. jacquemontii, in which the fruits are first boiled with sugar until the mixture becomes viscous; then, the mixture is cooled in the fridge for up to one hour, after which it is ready to eat. One tasty porridge that is made by locals in Kurram District is known as Soji halwa, which is prepared by combining soji flour (semolina), oil, and the nuts of J. regia. To make this dish, soji flour is fried with oil for up to 30 min over a medium flame, then some sugar is added for taste, and about 100 g of J. regia nuts are added to the flour, which is cooked for up to 20 more minutes. The people of Kurram eat this halwa (Pudding) for lunch. Some wild edible plants are eaten raw, such as D. lotus, E. angustifolia, F. carica, Juglans regia, S. mascatense (Fig. 3), and other species, as documented in Table 2 [18].

Among the studied ethnic and religious groups, only Turis are involved in collecting wild edible mushrooms. The study recorded four wild edible mushroom taxa among Turis: C. gigantea, M. esculenta, P. albus, and T. squamosum (Table 2). The first two of these mushrooms are also used by Hazaras and Khushis. M. esculenta is considered highly nutritional and, as a result, it is also very costly when available in the local market (Fig. 6); in terms of preparation, this mushroom is normally fried with tomatoes and salt.

Morchella esculanta (left) and Lithospermum officinale (right), the most common wild food plants used by Turis, Khushis, and Hazaras

A comparative assessment of wild edible plant use was carried out among the four ethnic and religious groups of Kurram Valley. The largest number of taxa were reported among Turis, as this group has a large population and is more interested in wild edible plants compared to the other three groups, since Turis mostly live in rural and mountainous regions [24]. As Fig. 7 shows, Turis share 24 wild edible plants with Khushis, 27 plants with Hazaras, and eight plants with Christians. Khushis and Hazaras share 28 wild edible plants, while Khushis and Christians share nine such plants. Likewise, Hazaras and Christians share nine wild edible plants. Turis, Khushis, and Hazaras share 17 wild edible plants, while all four ethnic and religious groups share six plants.

Venn diagram showing the overlapping of wild edible plants among the four studied ethnic and religious groups, as well as their Jaccard indexes (JI)

Turis, representing the most widespread ethnic group in the valley, reported the largest number of idiosyncratically used wild edible plants (Fig. 7). These 12 wild edible plants are not shared with the other three ethnic and religious groups. Khushis reported five uncommon wild edible plants, as did Hazaras, while Christians did not mention the use of any uncommon wild edible plants. The largest number of plant taxa was also reported by Turis, while the lowest number was reported by Christians. The greatest similarity among the four ethnic and religious groups was recorded for Hazaras and Khushis. However, the least similarity was found between Turis and Christians, as they also have less similarity with Khushis and Hazaras. It is assumed that one third of the reported plant taxa was used by all ethnic and religious groups of the valley.

Turis have been living in the area for a long time and they have their own culture, norms, and values, which are quite distinct from the other three ethnic and religious groups. Turis have long used their traditional rituals, such as those related to marriages, other ceremonies, and plant usage; for example, Turis use the whole plant of M. longifolia, while Khushis and Hazaras use only the seeds of this species. The Turi tribe shows the largest number of differences with Christians, followed by Khushis and Hazaras.

Khushis and Hazaras both migrated from Afghanistan, and thus they show a large number of similarities, as reflected in the Jaccard index value (38.8%). In addition to a shared migration, the two groups share the same language and culture. The similarity in wild edible plant use is also due to the high rate of intermarriages between Khushis and Hazaras, which allows for the transfer of knowledge from one group to the other [24, 34]

In terms of wild plant use, Christians show less similarity to the other three groups, perhaps due to their different religion; the other three groups are all Muslim and thus they do not intermarry with Christians, and this may have limited social interactions within the domestic arena, where local foraging and cooking practices are generally transmitted. Another possible reason for the dissimilarity is that Christians live and work in urban areas and so they are not very connected to the agricultural landscape and natural environment [24]; however, this also applies to Hazaras, some of whom have a remarkable (even if not ubiquitous) knowledge of foraging.

The comparative analysis we conducted with the pre-existing Pakistani ethnobotanical studies revealed that 23 wild edible plants have not been previously reported as food items in the area under study, including Fragaria nubicola, Lepidium draba, Pinus wallichiana, Podophyllum emodi, Prunus jacquemontii, Sambucus nigra, Sideroxylon mascatense and Thymus linearis. Four wild edible mushrooms are also reported for the area for the first time: Calvatia gigantea, Morchella esculenta, Pisolithus albus, and Tulostoma squamosum (Table 2). The remaining 34 species had previously been recognized as being consumed in other areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and elsewhere in Pakistan.

During our field study, we observed that some wild edible plants are facing serious threats, which may endanger these species in the near future. According to informants, the availability of some wild plants has decreased significantly as a result of anthropogenic pressures, such as unhealthy farming practices. Another important factor is the abandonment of wild edible plants because of the availability of industrial foods in markets; wild edible plants are also decreasing due to institutional negligence.

During this study, some endangered species were also recorded, such as Caralluma tuberculata, Ficus carica, Lepidium virginicum, Lithospermum officinale, Nasturtium officinale, and Podophyllum emodi [33]. The four reported mushroom species are also declining considerably. Moreover, some detrimental behaviors were observed while collecting wild edible plants. Because of the unfamiliarity with agricultural practices, farmers sometimes mistakenly collected plants with roots, even if not needed. This practice may reduce the growth of wild edible plants, such as P. emodi, which is mostly found in the foothills of mountains. Thus, wild edible plants growing at high elevations in the mountains may become endangered in the near future if the government does not take serious action to protect them. To overcome these challenges, authorities should take decisive measures and, especially, arrange public awareness programs for the protection of these plants.

Moreover, some taxa as A. griffithianum, L. officinale, M. spicata, and P. oleracea are used in large quantities, as locals regularly cook them during the spring. Thus, the over-usage of the first two species (A. griffithianum and L. officinale) may result in the future decrease of their availability. Additionally, people living in mountainous regions and villages also sell some of these plants in local markets, and this could soon make gathering unsustainable [37].

On the other hand, wild edible plants and this body of applied botanical knowledge and practices provide basic food security in developing countries by helping overcome food deficiencies, as well as by providing nutritional supplements to people living in mountainous regions. Wild edible plants also help overcome food insecurity among poorer families that cannot regularly buy cultivated vegetables from markets. The present study reveals that wild edible plants are very important for some locals, generating income for families, and activating small-scale circular economies, especially for those living in mountainous areas. Therefore, the sustainable gathering of wild edible plants may represent a robust strategy for achieving food security. The main goal of all stakeholders in the study area should be that of reducing food insecurity in areas where most of the people cannot live a comfortable life, and incorporating botany into the local strategy of food procurement may play a vital role, especially if sustainable gathering/foraging practices are properly revitalized, including in schools.

Moreover, food security and ecological transition are closely linked, as the way food is produced and consumed has a major impact on the environment and can either support or hinder our ability to ensure a stable and sustainable food supply for future generations. Specifically, food security refers to the ability of individuals and communities to access sufficient, safe, and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and preferences. This requires not only an adequate food supply, but also access to education, income, and other resources that support healthy eating habits, such as specific measures aimed at promoting local food and foodways [38].

Sustainable foraging and wild food plant consumption can therefore support both ecological transition and food security. Practices such as small-scale and regenerative agriculture and attached foraging practices, as utilized in the study area for centuries, can help to increase biodiversity and reduce greenhouse gas emissions, while also producing nutritious food for local communities. By prioritizing local and seasonal produce and supporting local small-scale producers and foragers, locals could also create more resilient and equitable food systems that are better able to withstand disturbances and ensure everyone has access to healthy food [14, 24, 38]. In summary, promoting local wild plant foods and therefore improving food security is quintessential for the ecological transition. By shifting toward sustainable foraging practices and supporting equitable and resilient local food systems, local  could be able to create a healthier and more sustainable future for ourselves and the planet.

This study can potentially promote entrepreneurial opportunities within the local communities by exploring and harnessing the economic potential of wild food plant gathering and consumption. This may lead to the development of small businesses and initiatives related to the sustainable harvesting, processing, and marketing of these resources. The findings of this study can contribute to the development of ecotourism in Kurram District and its surrounding regions as well. Highlighting the cultural significance and ecological importance of wild food plant gathering practices can attract vistors interested in sustainable and authentic experiences, thus supporting the growth of the local ecotourism.